🔥🔥🔥 Aboriginal Gender Gap Analysis

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Aboriginal Gender Gap Analysis

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An ethnographic account of THs in the Kutjungka region of North Western Australia by observation of artistic description of healing practices was made by McCoy [ 21 ]. The account sought to understand by way of this observation as well as conversation with community members about health behaviour after their permission was sought. Observational reports stated that many people visit the Maparn first, especially if they consider their sickness to be serious, and that sometimes Maparn will visit the clinic, especially if a family member requests their presence.

An account of a young man in his twenties who used services of both the Maparn and the health clinic concurrently was described — the young man would visit the Maparn in the morning and the clinic in the afternoon. The availability of Maparn may affect the role that TM plays — in some communities Maparn have passed on and in others they have given up their practice, which means that Maparn from other communities will need to travel. Although this type of research provides detailed and accurate description, it does lack objectivity and does not give us a reliable indication to the extent that Maparn are incorporated in health behaviour of the community, for example a percentage of community members that use Maparn, and if this use is associated with cultural affiliation.

In his observations the author discovered that the use of bush medicine was used to treat specific symptoms of illnesses and included coughs, colds, wounds and sores, and that every adult and many children had some knowledge of bush medicine. If the disease however was caused by sorcery then an Ngangka r i was consulted. Two illness-related cases were followed to examine health behaviour. The first case was a 44yr old male who consulted several Ngangka r i over a period of weeks before finally visiting the clinic biomedical after his condition was not improving and becoming worse.

The second case was a 33yr old girl who after years of biomedical healthcare ceased visiting the clinic except to collect her long-term medicines to engage with an Ngangka r i. These two cases give an example of different age and gender who both utilised THs in different sequences, and whilst the same subjectivity may apply as for the above ethnographic study and lack of understanding of the level of the community who engage with Ngangka r i, it does give us an indication of the role of the TH based on health beliefs of illness causes. Reasons for use of bush medicine amongst cancer patients or their family members were recorded in a study based in Western Australia [ 23 ].

The qualitative analysis was by way of individual in-depth interviews, observations and field notes. Results were analysed thematically into reasons why or why not bush medicine was used demonstrating both the role and use of TM. Consent was given from the Aboriginal reference group involved and this group was consulted throughout the study period. Thirty seven in-depth open-ended interviews were conducted in English, including one rural and two remote participants whilst the remainder resided in urban Perth, Western Australia.

Out of these 11 types of cancer were identified and only 11 of the 37 interviews were used as the focus for the paper. The results of the study found that bush medicine played a role in symptom relief from chemotherapy or stress associated with the situation. In some cases people chose TM over western medicines and vice versa depending on their situation and beliefs surrounding chemotherapy and TM. Such situations were likely to be concern over leaving family to come for chemotherapy treatment, adverse reactions from chemotherapy, limited access and knowledge of bush medicines, and uncertainty about bush medicine interactions with cancer medicine [ 23 ].

As one participant reported. This study gives us a valid indication that TM plays an important role in cancer and its use depends on cultural knowledge, access to TM, concerns about integrative healthcare, and location, however a bigger sample size would have given this study more reliability. Although evidence exists for the use of TMP in primary health care, either alone or in combination with biomedicine, reliable and valid research is lacking. Specifically, there is a paucity of literature that seeks to examine the role of traditional treatment modalities of ceremony and healing songs, instead the focus is on traditional healers or bush medicines. Saying this, the literature found does give us an indication that TMP exists and this enables a discussion about its role in PHC.

The role of TMP can be analysed quantitatively and qualitatively. The percentages of overall service provision serves as a useful tool to examine the extent of TMP. Combining both THs and bush medicine gives us a figure of Quantitatively this report gives us no indication for reasons and extent of use of these services within an individual clinic, such as how often or what type of illness.

More questions need to be designed into the report if these reasons are to be identified and examined. Qualitatively, the role of TMP can be described as sequential i. The ethnographic research conducted [ 21 , 22 ] show that people within the relevant communities studied exhibit all 3 types of health behaviour for using THs. This behaviour could be affected by the residency or employment status of the TH within the health services.

It is reported that THs were employed in Australia by the Northern Territory Department of Health in the early s, however a training course to teach traditional healers about western medical practices was soon replaced by the training program for AHWs [ 24 ]. Within the context of primary health care , they can blend together in a beneficial harmony , using the best features of each system , and compensating for certain weaknesses in each. Concern over interactions between pharmaceutical medicines and bush medicines was identified within the study on cancer and bush medicine as a reason for not wanting to use bush medicines [ 23 ]. While not articulated in any of the research, the area of uncertainty for drug-plant interactions should be considered from the other perspective also — that is non-compliance of pharmaceutical medicine due to a desire to use bush medicine and not wanting to mix the two.

As one Yolngu member puts it [ 28 ];. We can see with a clear mind. Stand strong together. From these accounts, integration can be viewed as not only the combination of pharmaceutical and plant medicine but also the combination of traditional healers and western medical doctors. Integration of both systems requires an understanding of the social and cultural constructions of each medical system and the complexity of the whole. The association or lack of association with culture was shown to underpin the choice of using TM in the study on cancer patients and their use of bush medicines in Western Australia [ 23 ], where one participant reports that.

Because we are not traditional Aboriginal , and our family was Christian based , and so … We put our trust on God. It is clear from the interviews with elders from both Balgo [ 15 ] and the Akyulerre Healing centre [ 14 ] that they believe using TM keeps culture strong. As is described in one article [ 12 ];. On the flipside, a lack of understanding about social constructions of western medical systems and associated culture by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples who are traditionally oriented, could mean that there is a perceived failure of biomedical treatment.

A perceived failure of treatment would then impact on the role and health-seeking behaviour of people, especially for illnesses where pharmaceutical medicine is being used to treat in a preventative role, such as the prevention of micro- and macro-vascular complications of diabetes type 2. Another influence that has been identified in the above review is that of gender. The Maparn THs in the Kutjungka were reported to be generally male, although there are some female Maparn. The resultant effect was for these women to not access the biomedical healthcare and treat their children at home with TM.

This highlights the importance to incorporate gender roles within research for TMP. It is acknowledged that a limitation of this review is the lack of written documentation for TM as traditional documentation of medicinal plants is by way of paintings [ 30 ] and passing down of knowledge through generations by story and songs. Another limitation is the reluctance to share knowledge with outsiders. This may be due to cultural reasons or mistrust regarding the way that this information will be used. A lack of building appropriate trust relationships and respect for the worldview of Aboriginal people from researchers con contribute to the potential for an unwillingness to disclose knowledge. The authors of the questionnaire survey at the Aurukun Health Clinic also came across difficulties for sharing of knowledge.

The WHO Traditional Medicine Strategy [ 31 ] outlines that protection of this knowledge is important and needs to be considered as a different system than the current intellectual property rights agreement. Permission therefore to document and use this knowledge must be sought in a way that is reciprocal with and reflective of the will of the community. It is one thing for TM to be practiced in traditional ways at a local level and another for it to be recognised as part of a national healthcare strategy. There is one national non-government organisation currently in operation. In contrast New Zealand hosts a National Board of Maori Traditional Healers and in the Ministry of Health published a set of standards for traditional Maori healing [ 33 ], whilst in the US in the previously formed Association of American Indian Physicians approved a resolution acknowledging and supporting Native American traditional healing and medicine as part of the spectrum of health care appropriate for Native Americans [ 34 ].

The latest response to the development of a National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health plan was for an increased recognition and inclusion of Aboriginal traditional medicine within the health plan [ 35 ]. Regulated governance structures can potentially improve the quality of TMP including the reduction or removal of quackery by practitioners. It is evident that good research design that takes into account Aboriginal worldviews, reciprocity and cultural sensitivities is paramount to reliable outcomes for research within this field, and there are very few well-designed research articles examining the role of TMP in PHC within Aboriginal Australia. Whilst there is a paucity of research identified, the existing literature identified establishes reasons underpinning the use of TM and when it is used, alone or combination with biomedicine.

These reasons are identified as association with culture, access to bush medicines and THs and health beliefs about disease causation, such as using THs for perceived spiritual or sorcery causes of illness and bush medicines for symptom relief of physical causes of disease for a range of ailments including colds and flus, wounds, headaches, aching muscles and skin rashes. It is also clear that health seeking behaviour is complex and medical pluralism exists, and more focus on integration of TM with conventional medicine is warranted.

It is clear that there is willingness amongst some communities to strengthen TMP and keep culture strong, however changes to and support for integrative and governance models for TMP need to be made and support increased to reduce the risk of the loss of knowledge as generations shift. Australia could benefit by looking to other nations to improve this support and strengthen governance for traditional Aboriginal medicine.

Racial inequality can also result in diminished opportunities for members of marginalized groups, which in turn can lead to cycles of poverty and political marginalization. An prime example of this is redlining in Chicago, where redlines would be drawn on maps around black neighborhoods, specifically for the purpose of not allowing them out of run down public housing by not giving loans to black people. Minority members in such a society are often subjected to discriminatory actions resulting from majority policies, including assimilation , exclusion, oppression , expulsion , and extermination.

In the United States, Angela Davis argues that mass incarceration has been a modern tool of the state to impose inequality, repression, and discrimination upon African American and Hispanics. Over a million African Americans are incarcerated in the US, many of whom have been convicted of a non-violent drug possession charge. Age discrimination is defined as the unfair treatment of people with regard to promotions, recruitment, resources, or privileges because of their age. It is also known as ageism : the stereotyping of and discrimination against individuals or groups based upon their age. It is a set of beliefs, attitudes, norms, and values used to justify age-based prejudice, discrimination, and subordination. While some people may benefit or enjoy these practices, some find them offensive and discriminatory.

Discrimination against those under the age of 40 however is not illegal under the current U. As implied in the definitions above, treating people differently based upon their age is not necessarily discrimination. Virtually every society has age-stratification , meaning that the age structure in a society changes as people begin to live longer and the population becomes older. In most cultures, there are different social role expectations for people of different ages to perform. Every society manages people's ageing by allocating certain roles for different age groups. Age discrimination primarily occurs when age is used as an unfair criterion for allocating more or less resources.

Scholars of age inequality have suggested that certain social organizations favor particular age inequalities. In modern, technologically advanced societies, there is a tendency for both the young and the old to be relatively disadvantaged. However, more recently, in the United States the tendency is for the young to be most disadvantaged. For example, poverty levels in the U. The larger contributor to this, however, is the increase in the number of people over 65 receiving Social Security and Medicare benefits in the U. When we compare income distribution among youth across the globe, we find that about half This means that, out of the three billion persons under the age of 24 in the world as of , approximately 1.

Moving up the income distribution ladder, children and youth do not fare much better: more than two-thirds of the world's youth have access to less than 20 percent of global wealth, with 86 percent of all young people living on about one-third of world income. For the just over million youth who are fortunate enough to rank among families or situations at the top of the income distribution, however, opportunities improve greatly with more than 60 percent of global income within their reach. Although this does not exhaust the scope of age discrimination, in modern societies it is often discussed primarily with regards to the work environment. Indeed, non-participation in the labour force and the unequal access to rewarding jobs means that the elderly and the young are often subject to unfair disadvantages because of their age.

On the one hand, the elderly are less likely to be involved in the workforce: At the same time, old age may or may not put one at a disadvantage in accessing positions of prestige. Old age may benefit one in such positions, but it may also disadvantage one because of negative ageist stereotyping of old people. On the other hand, young people are often disadvantaged from accessing prestigious or relatively rewarding jobs, because of their recent entry to the work force or because they are still completing their education.

Typically, once they enter the labour force or take a part-time job while in school, they start at entry-level positions with low-level wages. Furthermore, because of their lack of prior work experience, they can also often be forced to take marginal jobs, where they can be taken advantage of by their employers. As a result, many older people have to face obstacles in their lives. Health inequalities can be defined as differences in health status or in the distribution of health determinants between different population groups.

Health inequalities are in many cases related to access to health care. In industrialized nations , health inequalities are most prevalent in countries that have not implemented a universal health care system, such as the United States. Because of the US health care system is heavily privatized, access to health care is dependent upon one's economic capital ; Health care is not a right, it is a commodity that can be purchased through private insurance companies or that is sometimes provided through an employer.

The way health care is organized in the U. In the United States, over 48 million people are without medical care coverage. While universal access to health care may not completely eliminate health inequalities, [62] [63] it has been shown that it greatly reduces them. Citizens are seen as consumers who have a 'choice' to buy the best health care they can afford; in alignment with neoliberal ideology, this puts the burden on the individual rather than the government or the community. In countries that have a universal health care system, health inequalities have been reduced.

In Canada, for example, equity in the availability of health services has been improved dramatically through Medicare. People don't have to worry about how they will pay health care, or rely on emergency rooms for care, since health care is provided for the entire population. However, inequality issues still remain. For example, not everyone has the same level of access to services. Even if everyone had the same level of access, inequalities may still remain. This is because health status is a product of more than just how much medical care people have available to them.

While Medicare has equalized access to health care by removing the need for direct payments at the time of services, which improved the health of low status people, inequities in health are still prevalent in Canada. A lack of health equity is also evident in the developing world, where the importance of equitable access to healthcare has been cited as crucial to achieving many of the Millennium Development Goals. Health inequalities can vary greatly depending on the country one is looking at. Health equity is needed in order to live a healthier and more sufficient life within society.

Inequalities in health lead to substantial effects that are burdensome on the entire society. Inequalities in health are often associated with socioeconomic status and access to health care. Health inequities can occur when the distribution of public health services is unequal. A study by Makinen et al. Wealthier groups are also more likely to be seen by doctors and to receive medicine. There has been considerable research in recent years regarding a phenomenon known as food deserts , in which low access to fresh, healthy food in a neighborhood leads to poor consumer choices and options regarding diet.

The economies of the world have developed unevenly, historically, such that entire geographical regions were left mired in poverty and disease while others began to reduce poverty and disease on a wholesale basis. This was represented by a type of North—South divide that existed after World War II between First world , more developed , industrialized , wealthy countries and Third world countries, primarily as measured by GDP. From around , however, through at least , the GDP gap, while still wide, appeared to be closing and, in some more rapidly developing countries , life expectancies began to rise.

If we look at the Gini coefficient for world income, over time, after World War II the global Gini coefficient sat at just under. From around to , the global Gini increased sharply, to a peak of around. After falling and leveling off a couple of times during a period from around to , the Gini began to climb again in the mid-eighties until reaching a high or around. Overall equality across humanity, considered as individuals, has improved very little. Within the decade between and , income inequality grew even in traditionally egalitarian countries like Germany, Sweden and Denmark.

With a few exceptions—France, Japan, Spain—the top 10 percent of earners in most advanced economies raced ahead, while the bottom 10 percent fell further behind. The concept of economic growth is fundamental in capitalist economies. Productivity must grow as population grows and capital must grow to feed into increased productivity. Investment of capital leads to returns on investment ROI and increased capital accumulation. The hypothesis that economic inequality is a necessary precondition for economic growth has been a mainstay of liberal economic theory. Recent research, particularly over the first two decades of the 21st century, has called this basic assumption into question. Milanovic points out that overall, global inequality between countries is more important to growth of the world economy than inequality within countries.

The recent financial crisis and global recession hit countries and shook financial systems all over the world. This led to the implementation of large-scale fiscal expansionary interventions and, as a result, to massive public debt issuance in some countries. Governmental bailouts of the banking system further burdened fiscal balances and raises considerable concern about the fiscal solvency of some countries. Most governments want to keep deficits under control but rolling back the expansionary measures or cutting spending and raising taxes implies an enormous wealth transfer from tax payers to the private financial sector. Expansionary fiscal policies shift resources and causes worries about growing inequality within countries. Moreover, recent data confirm an ongoing trend of increasing income inequality since the early nineties.

Increasing inequality within countries has been accompanied by a redistribution of economic resources between developed economies and emerging markets. They find income inequality has negative effect on economic growth in the case of the UK but a positive effect in the cases of the US and Canada. Economic growth, they find, leads to an increase of income inequality in the case of the UK and to the decline of inequality in the cases of the US and Canada. Government spending leads to the decline in inequality in the UK but to its increase in the US and Canada. Following the results of Alesina and Rodrick , Bourguignon , and Birdsall show that developing countries with high inequality tend to grow more slowly, [81] [82] [83] Ortiz and Cummings show that developing countries with high inequality tend to grow more slowly.

For countries for which they could estimate the change in Gini index values between and , they find that those countries that increased levels of inequality experienced slower annual per capita GDP growth over the same time period. Noting a lack of data for national wealth, they build an index using Forbes list of billionaires by country normalized by GDP and validated through correlation with a Gini coefficient for wealth and the share of wealth going to the top decile.

They find that many countries generating low rates of economic growth are also characterized by a high level of wealth inequality with wealth concentration among a class of entrenched elites. They conclude that extreme inequality in the distribution of wealth globally, regionally and nationally, coupled with the negative effects of higher levels of income disparities, should make us question current economic development approaches and examine the need to place equity at the center of the development agenda. Ostry, et al. If that were the case, they hold, then redistribution that reduces income inequality would on average be bad for growth, taking into account both the direct effect of higher redistribution and the effect of the resulting lower inequality.

Their research shows rather the opposite: increasing income inequality always has a significant and, in most cases, negative effect on economic growth while redistribution has an overall pro-growth effect in one sample or no growth effect. Their conclusion is that increasing inequality, particularly when inequality is already high, results in low growth, if any, and such growth may be unsustainable over long periods. Piketty and Saez note that there are important differences between income and wealth inequality dynamics. First, wealth concentration is always much higher than income concentration. The top 10 percent of wealth share typically falls in the 60 to 90 percent range of all wealth, whereas the top 10 percent income share is in the 30 to 50 percent range.

The bottom 50 percent wealth share is always less than 5 percent, whereas the bottom 50 percent income share generally falls in the 20 to 30 percent range. The bottom half of the population hardly owns any wealth, but it does earn appreciable income:The inequality of labor income can be high, but it is usually much less extreme. On average, members of the bottom half of the population, in terms of wealth, own less than one-tenth of the average wealth.

The inequality of labor income can be high, but it is usually much less extreme. Members of the bottom half of the population in income earn about half the average income. In sum, the concentration of capital ownership is always extreme, so that the very notion of capital is fairly abstract for large segments—if not the majority—of the population.

He surmises that wealth accumulation is high because growth is low. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Uneven distribution of resources in a society. For the related economic kind of inequality, see Economic inequality. For other uses, see Inequality disambiguation. S Ghurye s Irawati Karve M. Merton Theda Skocpol Dorothy E. Conflict theory Critical theory Structural functionalism Positivism Social constructionism. Main article: Social class. Further information: Health equity , Inequality in disease , Social determinants of health in poverty , and Diseases of poverty. See also: International inequality.

Civil rights Digital divide Educational inequality Gini coefficient Global justice Health equity Horizontal inequality List of countries by income inequality List of countries by distribution of wealth LGBT social movements Social apartheid Racial discrimination Social equality Social exclusion Social justice Social mobility Social stratification Structural violence Tax evasion Triple oppression. Encyclopedia of the City. ISBN Real World Economics Review 69—7 : 2— Retrieved 26 June The Guardian. ISSN Retrieved 1 February Dialogue: Canadian Philosophical Review. Then, you describe the specific details of the paper you need: add the topic, write or paste the instructions, and attach files to be used, if you have them.

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